The main political parties in the Russian Empire & nbsp. Political parties in Russia: list, features of the development of parties, their leaders and programs

Date of Birth

Place of Birth

Pushkin, Pushkinsky district, St. Petersburg.

Education

Leningrad Mining Institute. G.V. Plekhanov (1980); Saint Petersburg Technical University(1992); Russian Academy public service under the President Russian Federation– graduated with honors (1997); Faculty of Law - graduated with honors (1998), Faculty of Philosophy of St. Petersburg state university(2004).

Awards, promotions

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2007); Order of the Russian Orthodox Church Sergius of Radonezh II degree (2003) and I degree (2008), Order of the Holy Right-believing Prince Daniel of Moscow (2016); Order of the Holy Archangel Michael I degree (2014, Donetsk People's Republic) for merits in the formation of statehood in the DPR, as well as the provision of humanitarian assistance to the population of Donbass.

Party position

Party Chairman JUST RUSSIA.

Family status

Married, two sons and a daughter.

Labor activity

From 1971 to 1973 he served in the airborne troops (VDV) of the Soviet Army. Guards senior sergeant of the Airborne Forces reserve. From 1978 to 1986, he worked as a senior geophysicist at NPO Rudgeofizika, then as a geophysicist for the Zelenogorsk expedition of the USSR Ministry of Geology. In 1986–1991 in the direction of the Ministry of Geology of the USSR, he worked as a senior geophysicist of an air party in Mongolia. In 1993 he received a certificate from the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation for the right to work on the securities market. 1993–1995 - Executive Director of AOOT "Construction Corporation "Revival of St. Petersburg".

Social and political activity

From April 2003 he was the chairman of the Russian Party of LIFE. On October 28, 2006, a uniting congress of the new political party A JUST RUSSIA: Rodina/Pensioners/Life was held, created on the basis of the Russian Party of LIFE, the Rodina Party and the Russian Party of Pensioners. Sergei Mironov was elected chairman of the party.

Participation in elections

In 1994 he was elected a deputy of the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly of the 1st convocation, since April 1995 - First Deputy Chairman of the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly. From April to December 1998, he served as Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. In December 1998, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 2nd convocation in the 12th electoral district, receiving 70% of the vote (the best result in the city). He became the coordinator of the "Legality" faction. In June 2000, he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Since September 2000 - Chairman of the Political Council of the St. Petersburg Regional Political social movement"Will of Petersburg". Since June 13, 2001 - Member of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. From December 5, 2001 to May 17, 2011 - Chairman of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. On June 8, 2011, the CEC of the Russian Federation registered Sergei Mironov as a deputy of the State Duma of the 5th convocation. On June 14, 2011, at a meeting of the JUST RUSSIA faction, Sergei Mironov was elected its leader. On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the State Duma of the VI convocation from the Party JUST RUSSIA, headed the faction "FAIR RUSSIA" in the State Duma of the VI convocation. Since July 11, 2012 - Member of the State Council of the Russian Federation. On September 18, 2016, he was elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the VII convocation on the federal list of candidates of the Political Party JUST RUSSIA(general federal part). Elected head of the faction "FAIR RUSSIA".

Essay on political science

on the topic

"major political parties modern Russia»

Correspondence students

Faculty of Economics

Groups ES-4F-09

Antonenko Mila Viktorovna

Teacher Kopanev V.N.

G. Murmansk

Introduction………………………………………………………………….....

1. United Russia…………………………………………………………

2. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation………………...

3. Liberal Democratic Party of Russia……………………….

4. "Patriots of Russia"………………………………………………………

5. Russian United Democratic Party "Yabloko"…….

6. "Fair Russia"……………………………………………….

7. “Just Cause”………………………………………………………….

Introduction

There are many parties in Russia; democratic, communist-socialist, nationalist, etc. All of them protect someone's interests.

Parties are right, left, centrist. Some defend the interests of some class or classes, others are the defenders of nations and peoples, there are top parties, there are grassroots parties.

Having considered the main parties in Russia, let's try to deal with the ideology and goals of the Russian parties.

For more better understanding Let's take a few definitions of party ideologies, they will help to more clearly present the political orientation of the parties:

1. Political party- special public organization(association), which directly sets itself the task of seizing state power, keeping it in its hands, using the state apparatus to implement the programs announced before the elections.

2. Centrism in politics - the political position of a political movement or group, intermediate between right and left movements or groups, rejection of left and right extremism.

3. Social conservatism- the policy of centrism aimed at preserving the values of the 1990s.
Social conservatism has an analytical character, the constants of which are primarily order and freedom. Freedom in the understanding of social conservatives does not imply exemption from responsibility for economic, political, moral and other crimes.

4. In politics leftists traditionally, many directions and ideologies are named, the purpose of which is (in particular) social equality and the improvement of living conditions for the least privileged sections of society. These include socialism, social democracy. Radical left (or ultra-left) trends include, for example, communism and anarchism. The opposite is the right.

5. Liberalism(fr. liberalism) is a philosophical, political and economic theory, as well as an ideology that proceeds from the position that individual human freedoms are the legal basis of society and the economic order.

6. Democracy(Greek δημοκρατία - “power of the people”, from δῆμος - “people” and κράτος - “power”) - a type of political structure of the state or political system a society in which the only legitimate source of power in the state is its people.

7. Etatism (statism)(from fr. Etat- state) - a worldview and ideology that absolutizes the role of the state in society and promotes the maximum subordination of the interests of individuals and groups to the interests of the state, which is supposed to stand above society; a policy of active state intervention in all spheres of public and private life.

8. Nationalism(fr. nationalism) - ideology and policy direction, basic principle which is the thesis about the value of the nation as the highest form of social unity and its primacy in the state-forming process. It is distinguished by a variety of currents, some of them contradict each other. As a political movement, nationalism seeks to protect the interests of the national community in relations with state power.

9. Patriotism(Greek πατριώτης - compatriot, πατρίς - fatherland) - a moral and political principle, a social feeling, the content of which is love for the fatherland and the willingness to subordinate its private interests to its interests. Patriotism implies pride in the achievements and culture of one's Motherland, the desire to preserve its character and cultural characteristics and identification with other members of the people, willingness to subordinate their interests to the interests of the country, the desire to protect the interests of the motherland and their people.

10 . Conservatism(fr. conservatism, from lat. conservo- I keep) - ideological adherence to traditional values and orders, social or religious doctrines. In politics, a direction that upholds the value of the state and public order, rejection of "radical" reforms and extremism.

11 . Populism(from lat. populus- people) - a political position or style of rhetoric that appeals to the broad masses of the people.

According to the website Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation , as of August 15 2009 , in accordance with federal law“On political parties”, 7 political parties were registered.

1. " United Russia »

Leader Story by: Vladimir Putin

Headquarters: Moscow

Ideology: centrism, social conservatism

Number of members : 1 931 667

Seats in the lower house: 315 out of 450

Party Seal: United Russia newspaper (closed in 2008)

Website: edinros.er.ru/er/

"United Russia" is a Russian centre-right political party. It was created on December 1, 2001 at the founding congress of the socio-political associations "Unity" (leader - Sergei Shoigu), "Fatherland" (Yuri Luzhkov) and "All Russia" (Mintimer Shaimiev) as the All-Russian political party "Unity and Fatherland - United Russia".

The symbol of the party is an inverted marching bear. The party congress, held on November 26, 2005, adopted decisions on changes in the symbolism of the party: instead of a bear Brown the bear became the symbol of the party white color, outlined in blue. Above the image of the bear is a fluttering Russian flag, below the image of the bear is the inscription "United Russia". The semantics of the bear is actively used by the party, including through various allusions. So one of the sections of the official website of the party is called "B ep log".

Ideology: centrism, social conservatism.

Goals: 1. Compliance public policy, decisions taken by bodies state power Russian Federation and subjects of the Russian Federation, bodies local government, the interests of the majority of the population of the Russian Federation.

2. Formation of public opinion in the Russian Federation in accordance with the main provisions of the Party Program, political education and upbringing of citizens, expression of citizens' opinions on any issues public life, bringing these opinions to the attention of the general public, state authorities and local governments, and influencing the formation of their political will, expressed by them in voting in elections and referendums.

3. Nomination of candidates (lists of candidates) of the Party in the elections of the President of the Russian Federation, deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, to the legislative (representative) bodies of state power of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, elected officials of local self-government and to representative bodies municipalities, participation in these elections, as well as in the work of elected bodies.

Story: The All-Russian Party "Unity and Fatherland - United Russia" was created on the basis of the unification of the All-Russian Union "Unity" and "Fatherland" and the socio-political Movement "All Russia".

On October 27, 2001, the Third Congress of the Unity Party and the second Congress of the Unity and Fatherland Union were held in Moscow, at which the All Russia movement joined this Union.
During the work of the Congress, amendments were made to the Charter, which gave legal basis for the further transformation of the Union into a party.

In parallel with the preparations for the Congress, specialists from Unity and Fatherland worked on two the most important documents who determined what the newly created Party would be like. This is the Program and the Charter.

Prior to being submitted to the Constituent Congress of the "Unity and Fatherland" party, which was held on December 1, 2001 in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, both documents were widely discussed in the regions, including the Novgorod region.

As a result, on December 1, the delegates to the Congress of the new party adopted the Program and the Charter, and also voted for the transformation of the Union "Unity" and "Fatherland" into the All-Russian Party. The governing bodies of the new party were also elected.
Party "Unity and Fatherland" - has become fundamentally new political structure, which included three political forces on equal terms. Pursuing common goals and defending common interests, "Unity", "Fatherland" and "All Russia" formed a single party, sharing responsibility for its future.
The main task of the party was "the conquest and retention of power in a democratic way." The requirements for the level of training of managerial personnel and specialists have changed, the bulk of which have been selected and have undergone special training. Party building was actively carried out, the ranks of the party grew, and new primary organizations were created. By the end of 2003, the regional branch consisted of about 2 thousand members of the Party.

Prince Andrei arrived at the main army quarters at the end of June. The troops of the first army of the one with which the sovereign was located were located in a fortified camp near Drissa; the troops of the second army retreated, trying to join the first army, from which - as they said - they were cut off big forces French. Everyone was dissatisfied with the general course of military affairs in the Russian army; but no one thought about the danger of an invasion of the Russian provinces, no one even imagined that the war could be transferred further than the western Polish provinces. Prince Andrei found Barclay de Tolly, to whom he was assigned, on the banks of the Drissa. Since there was not a single large village or town in the vicinity of the camp, the whole huge number of generals and courtiers who were with the army was located in a circle of ten miles along the best houses villages on this side and on the other side of the river. Barclay de Tolly stood four versts from the sovereign. He received Bolkonsky dryly and coldly and said in his German reprimand that he would report on him to the sovereign to determine his appointment, and for the time being asked him to be at his headquarters. Anatole Kuragin, whom Prince Andrei hoped to find in the army, was not here: he was in St. Petersburg, and Bolkonsky was pleased with this news. The interest of the center of the huge war that was being carried out occupied Prince Andrei, and he was glad for a while to be freed from the irritation that the thought of Kuragin produced in him. During the first four days, during which he did not demand anywhere, Prince Andrei traveled around the entire fortified camp and, with the help of his knowledge and conversations with knowledgeable people, tried to form a definite idea about him. But the question of whether this camp is profitable or disadvantageous remained unresolved for Prince Andrei. He had already succeeded in deriving from his military experience the conviction that in military affairs the most thoughtfully thought-out plans mean nothing (as he saw it in the Austerlitz campaign), that everything depends on how one responds to unexpected and unforeseen actions of the enemy, that everything depends on how and by whom the whole thing is conducted. In order to clarify this last question for himself, Prince Andrei, using his position and acquaintances, tried to delve into the nature of the leadership of the army, the persons and parties participating in it, and deduced for himself the following concept of the state of affairs. When the sovereign was still in Vilna, the army was divided into three: the 1st army was under the command of Barclay de Tolly, the 2nd under the command of Bagration, the 3rd under the command of Tormasov. The sovereign was with the first army, but not as commander in chief. The order did not say that the sovereign would command, it only said that the sovereign would be with the armies. In addition, under the sovereign personally there was no headquarters of the commander-in-chief, but there was the headquarters of the imperial main apartment. Under him was the chief of the imperial headquarters, quartermaster general Prince Volkonsky, generals, adjutant wing, diplomatic officials and a large number of foreigners, but there was no army headquarters. In addition, without a position with the sovereign were: Arakcheev - the former Minister of War, Count Benigsen - the eldest of the generals by rank, Grand Duke Tsarevich Konstantin Pavlovich, Count Rumyantsev - Chancellor. Stein is a former Prussian minister, Armfeld is a Swedish general, Pfuel is the chief planner of the campaign, Adjutant General Pauluchi is a Sardinian native, Wolzogen and many others. Although these persons were without military posts in the army, they had influence by their position, and often the corps commander and even the commander in chief did not know what Benigsen, or the Grand Duke, or Arakcheev, or Prince Volkonsky was asking or advising for, and did not know whether such and such an order in the form of advice came from him or from the sovereign and whether it was necessary or not to execute it. But this was an external situation, but the essential meaning of the presence of the sovereign and all these persons, from the court point (and in the presence of the sovereign, everyone becomes courtiers), was clear to everyone. He was as follows: the sovereign did not assume the title of commander in chief, but disposed of all the armies; the people around him were his assistants. Arakcheev was a faithful executor-guardian of order and bodyguard of the sovereign; Bennigsen was a landowner in the Vilna province, who seemed to make les honneurs of the region, but in essence he was a good general, useful for advice and in order to have him always ready to replace Barclay. The Grand Duke was here because it pleased him. The former minister, Stein, was there because he was useful for advice, and because Emperor Alexander highly valued his personal qualities. Armfeld was evil hater Napoleon and the general, self-confident, which always had an influence on Alexander. Pauluchi was here because he was bold and determined in his speeches. The adjutant generals were here because they were everywhere where the sovereign was, and, finally, and most importantly, Pfuel was here because, having drawn up a plan for the war against Napoleon and forcing Alexander to believe in the expediency of this plan, he led the whole cause of the war. Under Pfule there was Wolzogen, who conveyed Pfuel's thoughts in a more accessible form than Pfuel himself, a sharp, self-confident to the point of contempt for everything, an armchair theorist. In addition to these named persons, Russians and foreigners (especially foreigners, who, with the courage characteristic of people in activities among a foreign environment, every day offered new unexpected ideas), there were many more persons of secondary importance who were with the army because their principals were here. Among all the thoughts and voices in this vast, restless, brilliant and proud world, Prince Andrei saw the following, sharper divisions of directions and parties. The first party was: Pfuel and his followers, the theoreticians of war, believing that there is a science of war and that this science has its own immutable laws, the laws of oblique movement, detour, etc. Pfuel and his followers demanded a retreat into the depths of the country, a retreat according to the exact laws prescribed by the imaginary theory of war, and in any deviation from this theory they saw only barbarism, ignorance or malice. German princes, Wolzogen, Wintzingerode and others, mostly Germans, belonged to this party. The second batch was the opposite of the first. As always happens, at one extreme there were representatives of the other extreme. The people of this party were those who, ever since Vilna, had demanded an offensive against Poland and freedom from all plans drawn up in advance. In addition to the fact that the representatives of this party were representatives of bold actions, they were at the same time representatives of nationality, as a result of which they became even more one-sided in the dispute. These were Russians: Bagration, Yermolov, who was beginning to rise, and others. At this time, the well-known joke of Yermolov was widespread, as if asking the sovereign for one favor - his promotion to the Germans. The people of this party said, recalling Suvorov, that one should not think, not prick a card with needles, but fight, beat the enemy, not let him into Russia and not let the army lose heart. The third party, in which the sovereign had the most confidence, belonged to the court makers of transactions between both directions. The people of this party for the most part not the military, and to which Arakcheev belonged, they thought and said that they usually say people who have no convictions, but who want to seem like they are. They said that, without a doubt, a war, especially with such a genius as Bonaparte (he was again called Bonaparte), requires the most profound considerations, a deep knowledge of science, and in this matter Pful is a genius; but at the same time it is impossible not to admit that theoreticians are often one-sided, and therefore one should not completely trust them, one must listen both to what Pfuel's opponents say and to what practical people, experienced in military affairs, say, and take the average from everything. The people of this party insisted that, by holding the Drissa camp according to the Pfuel plan, they would change the movements of other armies. Although neither one nor the other goal was achieved by this course of action, it seemed better to the people of this party. The fourth direction was the direction of which the most prominent representative was the Grand Duke, the heir to the Tsarevich, who could not forget his disappointment at Austerlitz, where, as if at a review, he rode out in front of the guards in a helmet and tunic, hoping to valiantly crush the French, and, unexpectedly falling into the first line, forcibly left in general confusion. The people of this party had in their judgments both the quality and the lack of sincerity. They were afraid of Napoleon, they saw strength in him, weakness in themselves and directly expressed it. They said: “Nothing but grief, shame and death will come out of all this! So we left Vilna, we left Vitebsk, we will leave Drissa too. The only thing left for us to do wisely is to make peace, and as soon as possible, before we are driven out of Petersburg!” This view, widely spread in the highest spheres of the army, found support both in St. Petersburg and in Chancellor Rumyantsev, who, for other state reasons, also stood for peace. The fifth were adherents of Barclay de Tolly, not so much as a person, but as a minister of war and commander in chief. They said: “Whatever he is (they always started like that), but he is an honest, efficient person, and there is no one better than him. Give him real power, because war cannot go on successfully without unity of command, and he will show what he can do, as he showed himself in Finland. If our army is organized and strong and retreated to Drissa without suffering any defeats, then we owe this only to Barclay. If now they replace Barclay with Bennigsen, then everything will perish, because Bennigsen had already shown his incapacity in 1807,” said the people of this party. The sixth, the Bennigsenists, said, on the contrary, that after all there was no one more efficient and more experienced than Bennigsen, and no matter how you turn around, you will still come to him. And the people of this party argued that our entire retreat to Drissa was a shameful defeat and an uninterrupted series of mistakes. “The more mistakes they make,” they said, “the better: at least they will understand sooner that this cannot go on. What is needed is not some Barclay, but a man like Benigsen, who already showed himself in 1807, to whom Napoleon himself gave justice, and such a person who would be willingly recognized as the authority - and such is only one Benigsen. Seventh - there were faces that always exist, especially under young sovereigns, and who were especially numerous under Emperor Alexander, the faces of generals and aide-de-camp, passionately devoted to the sovereign not as an emperor, but as a person who adored him sincerely and disinterestedly, as Rostov adored him in 1805, and who saw in him not only all virtues, but also all human qualities. Although these persons admired the modesty of the sovereign, who refused to command the troops, they condemned this excessive modesty and wished only one thing and insisted that the adored sovereign, leaving excessive distrust of himself, openly announced that he would become the head of the army, would form the headquarters of the commander-in-chief with him and, consulting, where necessary, with experienced theoreticians and practitioners, would himself lead his troops, which this alone would bring to the highest state of inspiration . The eighth, largest group of people, which, by its huge number, related to others, as 99 to the 1st, consisted of people who did not want peace, or war, or offensive movements, or a defensive camp, either under Drissa, or anywhere else, neither Barclay, nor the sovereign, nor Pfuel, nor Benigsen, but who wanted only one thing, and the most essential: the greatest benefits and pleasures for themselves. In that muddy water of intersecting and entangled intrigues that swarmed at the sovereign's main apartment, it was possible to succeed in a great deal in such a way that would have been unthinkable at another time. One, not wanting only to lose his advantageous position, today agreed with Pfuel, tomorrow with his opponent, the day after tomorrow he claimed that he had no opinion on a well-known subject, only in order to avoid responsibility and please the sovereign. Another, wishing to acquire benefits, attracted the attention of the sovereign, loudly shouting the very thing that the sovereign hinted at the day before, arguing and shouting in council, hitting his chest and challenging those who disagreed to a duel and thereby showing that he was ready to be a victim of the common good. The third simply begged for himself, between two councils and in the absence of enemies, a lump sum for his faithful service, knowing that now there would be no time to refuse him. The fourth inadvertently caught the eye of the sovereign, burdened with work. The fifth, in order to achieve the long-desired goal of having dinner with the sovereign, fiercely proved the rightness or wrongness of the newly expressed opinion and for this he cited more or less strong and fair evidence. All the people of this party were catching rubles, crosses, ranks, and in this catching they only followed the direction of the weather vane of the royal mercy, and just noticed that the weather vane turned in one direction, how all this drone population of the army began to blow in the same direction, so that it was all the more difficult for the sovereign to turn it in the other direction. In the midst of the uncertainty of the situation, in the presence of a threatening, serious danger, which gave everything a particularly disturbing character, amid this whirlwind of intrigues, vanities, clashes, different views and feelings, with the diversity of all these people, this eighth, largest party of people, occupied with personal interests, gave great confusion and vagueness to the common cause. No matter what question was raised, and even a swarm of these drones, without having yet blown off the previous topic, flew over to a new one and, with its buzz, drowned out and obscured the sincere, arguing voices. Of all these parties, at the very time that Prince Andrei arrived at the army, another ninth party gathered, and began to raise its voice. It was a party of old, sensible, state-experienced people who knew how, without sharing any of the contradictory opinions, to abstractly look at everything that was going on at the headquarters of the main apartment, and think over the means to get out of this uncertainty, indecision, confusion and weakness. The people of this party said and thought that everything bad comes mainly from the presence of the sovereign with the military court at the army; that the army has carried over that indefinite, conditional, and vacillating precariousness of relations which is convenient at court but harmful in the army; that the sovereign needs to reign, and not to rule the army; that the only way out of this situation is the departure of the sovereign with his court from the army; that the mere presence of the sovereign paralyzes fifty thousand troops needed to ensure his personal safety; that the worst but independent commander-in-chief would be better than the best, but bound by the presence and power of the sovereign. At the same time that Prince Andrei was living idle under Drissa, Shishkov, the Secretary of State, who was one of the main representatives of this party, wrote a letter to the sovereign, which Balashev and Arakcheev agreed to sign. In this letter, using the permission given to him by the sovereign to discuss the general course of affairs, he respectfully and under the pretext of the need for the sovereign to inspire the people in the capital to war, suggested that the sovereign leave the army. The animating of the people by the sovereign and the appeal to him to defend the fatherland is the same (insofar as it was produced by the personal presence of the sovereign in Moscow) animating the people, which was main reason triumph of Russia, was presented to the sovereign and accepted by him as a pretext for leaving the army.

Russia is a politically free country. This is evidenced by a considerable number of registered various political parties. However, according to the Constitution, parties that propagate the ideas of fascism, nationalism, call for national and religious hatred, deny universal human values and undermine moral norms have no right to exist in Russia. But even without that there are enough parties in Russia. A little lower we will announce the entire list of political parties in Russia and give brief information about them.

Features of parliamentarism in Russia

Unfortunately, democracy historical development our country is an atypical phenomenon. Monarchism and totalitarian socialism are something else. The entire experience of parliamentarism in Russia is reduced to a short period from the creation of the State Duma (1905) to October revolution 1917. In the USSR, parliamentarism under the conditions of a one-party system (the Communist Party was absent in principle. In the transition to democratic lines, this "legacy" manifests itself in the form of methods of struggle, intolerance towards opponents. The purely Russian concept of "party of power" seems to have become a legacy from the CPSU.

Administrative resource

The experience of the one-party system in Russia is the richest. It is not surprising that, remembering the past, government officials and the highest echelons of power are interested in creating a party that supports the current government. Its main members are state officials, state and municipal employees, to a certain extent, the so-called administrative resource (power support) is used in the activities of the party. Guided by these signs, political scientists include "United Russia", as well as the former "Our Home - Russia", "Unity" from the list of political parties in Russia.

The oldest party

Such, probably, should be recognized as the direct successor of the CPSU. Political changes forced modern communists to shift their views much more to the right and reorganize, but still, no matter how indignant other left-wing parties are, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the "daughter" of the CPSU.

Regulars of the Duma

Only two parties received mandates in all seven convocations of the State Duma. This is the Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party. Such a result in the former is due to the traditional popularity of socialist ideas in Russia, the "critical" position towards the Russian government, which is a win-win in a country that is not without problems. The achievements of the "liberals" are reduced by political scientists to the personal charisma of the founder and permanent leader of the party, Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

It must be noted, however, that there have always been representatives of the "party of power" in the Duma. "United Russia" is their direct continuation, but legally it can be considered a lie. "United Russia" are present in the Duma only the last four convocations.

Political poles

The modern parties of Russia (in the list below), at least the leading ones, serve as spokesmen for popular ideas and as leaders in their promotion:

Thus, "United Russia" is a striving for balanced right-wing centrism, propaganda for the strengthening of state power and respect for it, patriotism, internationalism, and harmony in society.
The Communist Party of Russia (KPRF) - social justice, patriotism, respect for history.
Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR) - radicalism in the pursuit of social justice.
"Fair Russia" - the ideals of social democracy, including the European persuasion. In this sense, the SR follows the once influential, but lost authority Yabloko association.

Missing from the list of political parties in Russia is a strong separate party expressing the interests of business and liberalism of the pro-Western type. The Union of Right Forces went bankrupt politically, and the Civic Platform remained small. The last attempt so far is the Party of Growth, but it seems that in a country where the income gap between the rich and the poor is large, and there are many poor, the interests of the rich are alien to the majority of the population. The situation on the political "market" is changeable. For example, it has always been difficult to imagine that the popular Yabloko would lose seats in parliament. However...

All registered political parties in Russia: list and their leaders

Let's take a look at the table.

The consignment	Year of foundation	Ideology	Creators	Leader
"United Russia"	2001	Right-wing democratic centrism	Sergei Shoigu, Mintimer Shaimiev	Dmitry Medvedev
CPRF	1993	left centrism	Valentin Kuptsov, Gennady Zyuganov	Gennady Zyuganov
LDPR	1989	It declares liberalism, but if you pay attention to the leader's statements, it is ultra-right.
"Patriots of Russia"	2005	left centrism	Gennady Semigin	Gennady Semigin
Democratic Party "Yabloko"	1995	social democracy	Grigory Yavlinsky, Vladimir Lukin	Emilia Slabunova
2005	social democracy	Sergei Mironov	Sergei Mironov
"Growth Party"	2008	Right conservative	Boris Titov	Boris Titov
People's Freedom Party	1990	Right center, liberalism	Stepan Sulakshin, Vyacheslav Shostakovsky	Mikhail Kasyanov
Democratic Party of Russia	1990	Right center, liberalism	Nikolai Travkin	Timur Bogdanov
"For the women of Russia"	2007	Conservatism, protection of women's rights	Galina Latysheva	Galina Khavraeva
green alliance	2012	Social democracy, ecology	Mitvol Fetisov	Alexander Zakondyrin
Union of Citizens (SG)	2012		Ildar Gayfutdinov	Dmitry Volkov
People's Party of Russia	2012	Centrism	Andrey Bogdanov	Stanislav Aranovich
Civil position	2012	Liberalism	Andrey Bogdanov	Andrey Poda
Social Democratic Party of Russia	2012	social democracy	Andrey Bogdanov	Sirazdin Ramazanov
Communist Party of Socialist Justice (CPSU)	2012	Socialism	Andrey Bogdanov	Oleg Bulaev
Party of Pensioners of Russia	2012	Social democracy, protection of the rights of pensioners	Nikolai Chebotarev	Nikolai Chebotarev
Party "GROSS"	2012	Social democracy, protection of the rights of urban residents	Yuri Babak	Yuri Babak
Young Russia (MOLROSS)	2012	Centrism, protecting the rights of youth	Nikolai Stolyarchuk	Nikolai Stolyarchuk
Free Citizens Party	2012	Constitutionalism, liberalism	Pavel Sklyanchuk	Alexander Zorin
"Greens"	1993	Centrism, ecology	Anatoly Panfilov	Evgeny Belyaev
Communists of Russia (KOMROS)	2009	Left	Konstantin Zhukov	Maxim Suraikin
Agrarian Party of Russia	1993	Centrism, protection of the rights of citizens employed in the agricultural sector of the economy	Vasily Starodubtsev, Mikhail Lapshin, Alexander Davydov	Olga Bashmachnikova
Russian People's Union (RUS)	1991	Patriotism, conservatism, Orthodoxy	Sergey Baburin	Sergey Baburin
Party for Justice! (PARZAS)	2012		Vladimir Ponomarenko	Vladimir Ponomarenko
Party of Socialist protection	2012	Social justice, left	Viktor Sviridov	Viktor Sviridov
Civil force	2007	Liberalism, ecology, protection of the rights of small and medium-sized businesses	Alexander Revyakin	Kirill Bykanin
Party of Pensioners for Social Justice	1997	Social justice, protection of the rights of pensioners	Sergei Atroshenko	Vladimir Burakov
People's Alliance	2012	Patriotism	Andrey Bogdanov	Olga Anishchenko
Monarchist Party	2012	Patriotism, monarchism	Anton Bakov	Anton Bakov
Civic platform	2012	Liberalism	Mikhail Prokhorov	Rifat Shaikhutdinov
"HONESTLY"	2012	Christianity, liberalism	Alexey Zolotukhin	Alexey Zolotukhin
Labor Party of Russia	2012	Liberalism	Sergei Vostretsov	Sergei Vostretsov
Against all	2012	social justice	Pavel Mikhalchenkov	Pavel Mikhalchenkov
Russian Socialist Party	2012	Socialism	Sergei Cherkashin	Sergei Cherkashin
Party of Veterans of Russia	2012	Patriotism, protection of the rights of military personnel	Ildar Rezyapov	Ildar Rezyapov
ROT FRONT	2012	Left	Victor Tyulkin, Sergey Udaltsov	Viktor Tyulkin
Cause Party	2012	Democracy, protection of the rights of entrepreneurs	Konstantin Babkin	Konstantin Babkin
The consignment National Security Russia (PNBR)	2012	Patriotism	Alexander Fedulov	Alexander Fedulov
"Motherland"	2003	Patriotism	Dmitry Rogozin, Sergei Glazyev, Sergei Baburin, Yuri Skokov	Alexey Zhuravlev
Union of Labor	2012	Social justice, protection of workers' rights	Alexander Shershukov	Alexander Shershukov
Russian Party of People's Administration	2012	social democracy	Albert Mukhamedyarov	Albert Mukhamedyarov
"Women's Dialogue"	2012	Traditionalism, patriotism, protection of the rights of women and children	Elena Semerikova	Elena Semerikova
Village Revival Party	2013	Protection of the rights of rural residents	Vasily Vershinin	Vasily Vershinin
Defenders of the Fatherland	2013	Populism, protection of the rights of military personnel	Nikolai Sobolev	Nikolai Sobolev
Cossack party	2013	Patriotism, protection of the rights of the Cossacks	Nikolai Konstantinov	Nikolai Konstantinov
Development of Russia	2013	social democracy	Alexey Kaminsky	Alexey Kaminsky
Democratic legal Russia	2013	Moderate liberalism, constitutionalism	Igor Trunov	Igor Trunov
"Dignity"	2013	Liberalism	Stanislav Bychinsky	Stanislav Bychinsky
Great Fatherland	2012	Patriotism	Nikolai Starikov	Igor Ashmanov
Gardeners' Party	2013	Populism, protection of the rights of gardeners	Igor Kasyanov	Andrey Mayboroda
Civic Initiative	2013	Democracy, liberalism	Dmitry Gudkov	Ksenia Sobchak
Renaissance Party	2013	socialist democracy	Gennady Seleznev	Viktor Arkhipov
National course	2012	Patriotism	Andrey Kovalenko	Evgeny Fedorov
people against corruption	2013	Anti-corruption	Grigory Anisimov	Grigory Anisimov
native party	2013	Populism		Sergei Orlov, Nadezhda Demidova
Sports Party "Healthy Forces"	2013	Populism, protection of the rights of athletes	Davyd Gubar	Davyd Gubar
International Party (IPR)	2014	Social harmony of society, internationalism	Zuleikhat Ulybasheva	Zuleikhat Ulybasheva
Party of Socialist Reform (AKP)	2014	social justice	Stanislav Polishchuk	Stanislav Polishchuk
STRONG RUSSIA	2014	Protection of the rights of persons with disabilities	Vladimir Maltsev	Vladimir Maltsev
Good Deeds Party	2014	Populism, social protection	Andrey Kirillov	Andrey Kirillov
Revival of agrarian Russia	2015	Protection of the rights of the agro-industrial sector	Vasily Krylov	Vasily Krylov
Change	2015	social justice	Antonina Serova	Antonina Serova
Parents Party (PRB)	2015	Populism, protecting the interests of the family	Marina Voronova	Marina Voronova
Small Business Party (PMBR)	2015	Liberalism, protecting the rights of small businesses	Yuri Sidorov	Yuri Sidorov
Non-Party Russia (BPR)	2013	Patriotism, social justice	Alexander Safoshin	Alexander Safoshin
"Power to the People"	2016	Socialism, social justice, people's democracy	Vladimir Miloserdov	Vladimir Miloserdov

This is the list of political parties in modern Russia.

abuse

Any freedom is a risk, a loophole for dishonest people. Parliamentarism should benefit the country and its people. Political technologies are hardly worth considering as a boon. For example, the well-known political strategist Andrey Bogdanov creates parties and then sells them on a turnkey basis to everyone. Even in the list above there are several such "products". Although in 2012 the requirements for registration of political parties were tightened. That is why this is also the year of creation of the majority of newcomer parties. But freedom is better than cruel limits.

The highest elected person of the party is the chairman of the party. The chairman of the party is elected at the party congress for a period of five years by an open vote by two-thirds of the votes of the number of registered delegates to the congress.

A citizen of the Russian Federation who is not a member of the party may be elected chairman of the party.

The structure of the United Russia party is made up of regional, local and primary branches. Regional branches of the party have been created in all 85 constituent entities of the Russian Federation. In Russia, 82,631 primary and 2,595 local branches of the party have been created.

The party has its own emblem and flag. The emblem of the party is a composition, in the upper part of which there is a stylized image of a fluttering cloth with stripes of equal width in white, blue and red, symbolizing the flag of the Russian Federation, bordering with right side stylized image in combination of white and of blue color the silhouette of a bear, turned right side to the viewer, under which, across the entire width of the image of the cloth, the inscription is depicted horizontally in two rows in blue letters of the same size: UNITED RUSSIA. When the emblem is displayed on dark background the inscription - UNITED RUSSIA - is executed in white letters.

The flag of the party is a blue rectangular panel. The ratio of the flag's width to its length is 2:3. The emblem of the party is located in the center of the flag.

Following the results of the 2003 elections, United Russia formed a parliamentary majority in the State Duma, in 2007 a constitutional majority, and in 2011 won the majority of seats in parliament.

The leader of the party, who headed the party's electoral list in the 2007 Duma elections, was then President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin.

In the Duma elections of 2011, for the first time in the political history of Russia, the formation of the electoral list of "United Russia" was carried out on the basis of the results of the preliminary (primary) elections held jointly with the All-Russian Popular Front.

According to the decisions of the XII Congress of "United Russia", adopted on September 24, 2011, in the Duma elections, the party's pre-election list was headed by the then President of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev, and in the presidential elections in 2012, Vladimir Putin became the presidential candidate from "United Russia".

Vladimir Putin won the election with 63.60% of the vote.

In the elections to the State Duma of the 7th convocation, the federal list of candidates for deputies, Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. As a result of the elections, the United Russia party received 343 mandates.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources